Full text of 'INSTITUTUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESUJ ESU IT HISTORICAL INSTITUTE (ROME)Founded by Father General Ledochowski on 11 February 1930, the JesuitHistorical Institute (IHSI) promotes research on the history of the Society ofJesus. Its members in Rome, with the assistance of other Jesuits(“corresponding fellows”) throughout the world, oversee the publication of theMonumenta Historica Societatis Iesu (MHSI) and the monograph series BibliothecaInstituti Historici Societatis Iesu (BIHSI).Gio vanni Sale, S.J.DirectorTTiomas M. McCoog, S.J.Editor-in-ChiefRobert Danieluk, S.J.James F.X. Pratt, S.J.Jose Antonio Yoldi, S.J.Permanent MembersFrancisco de Borja Medina, S.J., emeritusLaszlo Szilas, S.J., emeritusVOL. 153JANUARY-JUNE 2008ARCHIVUM HISTORICUM SOCIETATIS IESUThomas M.
McCoog, S.J.EditorAdvisory EditorsSibylle Appuhu-Radtke (Munich)Paul Begheyn, S.J. (Amsterdam)Robert L. Bireley, S.J. (Chicago)Francesco Cesareo (Worcester, Ma.)Kathleen M. Comerford (Statesboro)Marek Inglot, S.J. (Rome)Jeffrey Klaiber, S.J. (Lima)Mark A Lewis, S.J.
(Spring Hili)Antonio Maldonado, S.J. (Cordoba)Martin M. Morales, S.J. (Rome)Julius Oswald, S.J. (Augsburg)Ulderico Parente (Naples)Antonella Romano (Florence)Flavio Rurale (Udine)Lydia Salviucci-Insolera (Rome)Nuno da Silva Gon^alves, S.J. (Lisbon)Nicolas Standaert, S.J. (Leuven)Robert Trisco (Washington, D.C.)M.
L^erler, S.J. (Oxford)Agustin Udias, S.J. (Madrid)TABLE OF CONTENTSCirculating and Compiling the Utterae Annuae. Towards a History of the JesuitSystem o£ Communication Markus Friedrich 3Die Utterae Annuae der Jesuiten.
Iba decreciendo y a a vez ob.ervaron un tumulto sobre uno de. Evidentemente algn tipo de radiacin emitida psr elOVNl es. Peligrosa no solamente para. Gente sino tambn para. Del cielo qus se hallaba despejado. Dos.de ellos cayeron dentro del caf. La catda de gusanos era sobre nosctrs y tambin llovfan sobre 0tr0 lugares como ser la. Izčupa i tako svaki vez tla prekida. Pomislimo na golemu štetu, koju čine ovce na paši, ako kažemo, da je Bosna i Hercegovina prije njekoliko godina imala 2,065.720 ovaca-Za uzdržavanje ono malo zemlje, što no još krije vapnenac u kraških predjelih, prvi je uvjet, da se uzdrži gusta, visoka vegetacija, osobito još i s toga.
Berichterstattungund Geschichtsschreibunginder alten Gesellschaft Jesu Jorg Zech 41Gaspar Barzeo: el hombre y sus escritosEduardo avier Alonso Forno 63La missione segreta dei Gesuiti fra gli Uniati di Podlachia (1878-1904)Robert Danieluk, S.J. 93Richard Smith versus Robert Persons, S.J.: A Double Denunciation of Theludgment of a Catholicke English-Man at the Holy OfficeGinevra Crosignani 115Esclavos y Jesuitas: el Colegio de Asuncion dei ParaguayIgnacio Telesca 191Bibliography on the History of the Society of Jesus: Additions to the 2007Edition Paul Begheyn, S.J. 213Reviews 221Jesuit Historiographical Notes 253Books Received 275CIRCULATING AND COMPILING THELITTERAE ANNUAE.TOWARDS A HISTORY OF THE JESUITSYSTEM OFCOMMUNICATIONMarkus Friedrich.It is generally agreed that, from its very inception, the Society of Jesusestablished a remarkable network of communication, comparable to thegovernmental as well as to the mercandle long-distance-networks of earlymodern Europe. So far however, this network has not received the thoroughanalysis it deserves. Through discussing a previously neglected type of letters,the European litterae annuae, this paper is meant to be a first contribution to afuller understanding of the Society’s “system of communication.” This term ismeant to comprise ali the different forms of internal exchange through lettersthat were an object of normative control and standardization. Even though newstudies have appeared recendy and older approaches are not lacking, the order’scorrespondence is stili awaiting a detailed survey that extends beyond themissionary reports. So far, scholarly studies have dealt almost exclusively withthe value of the missions’ letters as sources for pardcular places, peoples, orDr.
Markus Friedrich is currendy Assistant Professor (Wissenschaftlicher Assistent) at theUniversity of Frankfurt, Germany, Department of History. This essay presents first results of anongoing research project on the Jesuit system of communication in general which will finally besubmitted as Habilitarion. Many aspects that are only touched upon here will be elaborated in thefuture.
Earlier stages of the projects have been funded by the Sonderforschungsbereich 573“Pluralisierung und Autoritat in der Friihen Neuzeit,” sponsored by the Deutsche Forschungs-gemeinschaft (DFG) at the University of Munich. Buono not only encouraged me to writein English but also edited my language and helped with many ideas.34CIRCULATING AND COMPILING THE LITTERAE ANNUAEpersons 1 or addressed the spiritual dimension of the Society’s correspondence. 2Others examine bibliographical questions or give general overviews.
3 Recentworks have broadened our understanding by addressing the narrative intendonof these letters, yet they stili remain almost exclusively on the level of contentand its function. 4 Regarding the European litterae annuae, only broad overviewshave appeared recendy.
5 When at ali examined in detail, they have been usedmosdy as sources for popular religion or culture. 6Much neglected in recent research, however, is the bureaucratic structure that1 Leon Pouliot S.J., Etude suries Relations des Jesuites (Montreal/Paris: Desclee de Brouwer, 1940);John Correia-Afonso S.J., Jesuit Letters and Indian History 1542-1773 (Bombay/London: Universityof Oxford Press, 1969); Andre Retif S.J., “Breve histoire des Lettres edifiantes et curieuses,” NeueZeitschriftjurMissionswssenschaftl (1951) 37-50.2 See most recendy Robert Danieluk S.J., “Ob communem fructum et consolationem: La geneseet les enjeux de l’historiographie de la Compagnie de ) esus AHS II 5 (2006) 29-62.
Father Danielukgenerously allowed me to work with his paper before it appeared in print.3 Josef Wicki S.J., “Von den gelegentlichen Veroffentlichungen der Missionsbriefe aus Uberseezu den offiziellen Litterae annuae der Gesellschaft Jesu (1545-1583),” Neue Zdtschrift furMissionswissenschaft 32 (1976) 95-129; Durval Pires de Lima, “As Cartas Dos Jesuitas,” Revista daBiblioteca Nacional 3 (1983) 215-43.4 The only discussion on a more general level is Jean-Claude Laborie, Mangeurs d’Homme etmangeurs d.ame. Une correspondance missionnaire au XVIe, a lettrejesuite du Bresil, 1549-1568 (Paris: HonoreChampion, 2003); Charlotte Castelnau-L’Estoile, Les Ouvriers d’une Vigne sterile. Les jesuites et laconversion des Indiens au Bresil (Lisbon/Paris: Centre Culturel Calouste Gulbenkian, 2000); Ines G.Zupanov, Disputed Mission.
Jesuit Experiments and Brahmanical Knowledge in Seventeenth-Centuiy India(Oxford/Bombay: University of Oxford Press, 1999). See also Takao Abe, “What Determined theContent of Missionary Reports? The Jesuit Relations Compared with the Iberian Jesuit Accounts,”French Colonial History 3 (2003) 69-84. Steven Harris, “Confession-Building, Long-DistanceNetworks, and the Organization of Jesuit Science,” Early Science and Medicine 1 (1996) 287-318. Seealso Nicolas R. Verastegui S.J., “The Importance of Archives in the History and Spirituality of theSociety of Jesus according to ‘Our Way of ProceedingV’ in ' Scriptis Tradere et Fideliter Conservare”:Archives as ' Vlaces of Memory” within the Society of Jesus (Rome: General Curia, 2003) pp.
The lastreference was provided by Thomas M. McCoog, S.J.5 The best, albeit short introduction in the sources so far is Gemot Heiss, “Die ‘ litterae annuae ’und die ‘ historiae. der Jesuiten,” in Quellenkunde der Habsburgermonarchie (16. Einexemplarisches Handbuch, ed. Josef Pauser, Martin Scheutz, and Thomas Winkelbauer(Wien/Munchen: Bohlau, 2004) pp. See also Fred G. Rausch, “Die gedruckten litterae annuaeS.I., 1581-1654.
Ein meist iibersehener Quellenschatz zur Jesuitengeschichte,” Jahrbuch jiirVolkskundelQ (1997) 195-210. Important are also the remarks in Edmond Lamalle S.J., “L’ArchivioGenerale di un grande ordine religiose: Quello della Compagnia di Gtsuf Architda Ecclesiae 24 (1981)89-120, here esp. 102-06.6 Hans Commenda, “Die litterae annuae des Linzerjesuitenkollegs ais Quelle der Volkskunde,”Historisches jahrbuch derStadtLin^jj 961) 1 1 9-38; Ludwig Remling, “Fastnacht und Gegenreformationin Miinster. Diarien, Chroniken und litterae annuae der Jesuiten ais Quellen f jahrbuch fur Volkskunde5 (1982) 51-77.MARKUS FRIEDRICH5produced the litterae annuae. It is this aspect that will be explored in the followingpages. Both the content and production of archival documents deserve thehistorian’s attention and merit exploration.
The litterae, accordingly, must notonly be seen as narratives about places and people, or as spiritual texts, but alsoas results of a bureaucratic effort. Their production testifies to the existence ofan enormous administrative exertion that has so far not been adequately studied.The following questions arise: How was the administrative System organizedthat sustained the production of the litterae? How were the regulations ofnormative texts like the Constitutions trans ferred into daily practice? What kindof content was seen as important and how was it provided for?
How does theactual content of the litterae relate to its bureaucratic origin and how was thisrelationship assessed? In short, the litterae urge us to inquire about the value ofinformation and the structure of its management within the order. By utilizingexamples from the provinces in the German speaking lands, this article,therefore, is less concerned with what the texts actually say and why but inquiresabout the order’s practices of organizing information. In this regard, however,the history of the litterae and the history of the Jesuits in general become part ofbroader historical developments.For convenience, we can divide the Jesuit System of communication into twoCentral components. First, there is the administrative correspondence proper,the regular exchange of letters between the local officials and the curia in Romedealing with the everyday concerns of administration. The edifying letters canbe classified as the second group, a bulk of texts in itself highly diverse, fallingat least in two big groups, the missionary reports (Relations) and the litteraeannuae.
Both relied on the idea that Jesuit communities should report once yearlyabout relevant events. Following early modern Jesuit terminology, 7 however, inthis paper “ litterae annuae ” refers more narrowly only to the reports from ali theprovinces that were sent to Rome, edited, and compiled to form the generalannual letters of the Society. The most prominent examples of litterae are theseries of printed compilations from around 1600 and later on from the 1650s(see appendix).While this paper focuses on the second pillar of Jesuit communication, theedifying correspondence, this is not meant to indicate a firm separation fromthe administrative network. Rather, it is of fiindamental importance for anyattempt at evaluating Jesuit communication in general to view the two formstogether, as influencing each other, and as developing with constant respect toone another.
Accordingly, at several points, this paper will come back toconnect the annual letters and their development to changes and mechanismspertaining to the field of administrative correspondence. From this follows also7See the references below in n. 9.6CIRCULATING AND COMPILING THE LITTERAE ANNUAEthat the spiritual dimension of Jesuit communication is not the main focus ofattention in this study.
Instead, the following essay will, by drawing on examplesfrom the German speaking provinces, (1) point out some historical episodescrucial for the history of the genre. Two problems, in particular, will bediscussed afterwards, circulation (2) and compiladon (3) of the letters.
A finalsecdon (4) will interpret these developments and place them in the broaderhorizon of early modern European attitudes towards knowledge.Crucial Episodes in the History of the Litterae AnnuaeThe basic distincdon that guides the Jesuit system of communication sinceits origins is the one between stricdy internal letters and writings suitable forwider dispersion. While the first group comprises the administrativecorrespondence in its different forms and levels of secrecy, the litterae annuae aswell as the missionary relations fall under the second category.
Disdnguishingbetween litterae annuae and missionary reports can, however, be a vexing task,since they developed into separate forms only gradually over time. Both equallyfavor descriptions of the deeds of individual Jesuits over general and abstractevaluadons of the province’s condidon. Both ground edification in reportingeveryday events and facts, rather than in meditation or extensive theologicaldiscourse. Both are forms of annual accounts and both are rooted in Ignatius’original ideas concerning Jesuit communication, both share the high valueattached to a systemadc conveying of informadon, both also combine theedifying intention with a strong gesture of factual reporting. Exhortation, self-fashioning, and specific informadon about concrete situations and events gohand in hand in both these forms. However, differences also can be easilyobserved. Firsdy, whereas the missionary reports often used the vernacular, thelitterae annuae remained written in Latin.
Secondly, the length differedenormously. Thirdly, whereas the overseas reports usually included a broadrange of informadon concerning peoples and nature-and are thus often valuedas early “ethnographical” sources— the litterae annuae from Europe hardly evercomprise observation on nature, flora, or fauna. At least, no systemadctransmission of knowledge about the botany, zoology, or peoples of Europe canbe found in these texts. Details on local habits or customs are given from timeto time, and appreciated by local historians, but this never developed into asystemadc descripdon of European peoples. It is ciear that sometimes specificinformadon necessary for understanding particular occurrences in a local settingis given, yet this is far from reaching the explicit and elaborate descripdon of thepeoples overseas. Almost exclusively, thus, the litterae annuae present the deedsof the Jesuits, their behavior towards the internal and the external world, as wellas the current relations of the Jesuit residences with the secular world.
Whereasthe Relations from overseas do share many aspect with contemporarychoreographic literature or travel writing, this does not hold true for the Latinlitterae annuae of Europe. Finally, the audiences of both the litterae and theMARKUS FRIEDRICH7Kelations gradually came to be more sharply distinguished. 8 By around 1 600 itseems to have been ciear that the annual letters, in contrast to the Relations, werenot necessarily meant to be circulated without restriction. They were nowintended to be public only within the Society, but not for the reading public ingeneral. 9Further important differentiations cluster around the separation of “internal”and “public” writing, e.g. The one between “administrative informadon” and“edification” conveyed in the writing or the one between “careless enumerationof details” and “thorough composition of a narrative.” 10 While thesedistinctioris as well as the development of accordingly separated types of lettersgo back to Ignatius, a more systematic layout of the whole system was given forthe first time in Juan Alfonso de PolancoV 1 circular letters from 1547. 12 In thisdocument also the litterae annuae have their origin as an intentionally organizedtype of communication.As is well known and documented in the litterae quadrimestres series of theMonumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, the edificatory letters started out as a four-monthly enterprise.
It was Polanco in 1547 who ordered the Jesuits abroad toreport not only edifying matters with every letter they write (though on distinetsheets), but also to compile these matters into a separate document to be sentto Rome every four months. These special letters had to be written at the8 See e.g. Correia-Afonso, Letters, p. The gradual evolution of such a precise distinctionbetween “general public” and “Jesuit public” might be seen as a nuancing of the more universalclaim conceming the publicity of the edifying letters as seen e.g.
In Ignatius to Peter Faber, Rome10 December 1542, MHSI, Epp. Ign., I, 236.9 See the explicit passage in MHSI, Doc. Ind ', XVI, 1043: “Alterum ne annuas Societatis infuturum ulli externo quavis occasione communicare liceat, seu ostendere, ita ut nec ipse Provincialisfacultatem habeat ad id concedendum. Esta obediencia anda impressa as pag. Porem dispensouN. Padre nesta ordem nhuma de 14.
De Janeiro de 97, como se vee nestas palavras: La prohibicionnuestra que se hizo y estampo pero se no mostrar las annuas a personas de fuera, no se entendegeneralmente de todos las annuas assy dei Japon como de la India, como V.R. Colligio de la nuestraen que le avisamos deste orden, mas solamente se entiende de las annuas generales de la Compamaque se suelen estampar, por particulares inconvenientes que en esto avia.
. Lavrenets gives Golanchikova license #59 and states she received it on 22 October 1911. The article written for the centennial of women pilots, shows Golanchikova was issued license #56 on 19 November 1911. 'Postimees' has the date of Golanchikova's graduation as 9 October 1911. Lebow states Golanchikova received license #56 on 29 December 1911.
Was the first licensed Russian aviatrix, the second. Zakharov states that a copy of Golanchikova's contract was found in the Central State Historical Archive of the Ukrainian SSR and is dated 1 December 1913. Lavrenets gives the date of Golanchikova's contract as 14 December 1913.References Citations. ^ Reinart, Heili (2017-08-22).
Viljandi woman Ljubov Galantschikoff - one of the first women in aviation ended up as a New York taxi driver (in Estonian). Retrieved 2017-08-22. ^. ^, p. 2.
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